Did the Affordable Care Act Promote Racial Equity in Pregnancy-Related Health? A Scoping Review.

In the United States, there are profound and persistent racial and ethnic disparities in pregnancy-related health, emphasizing the need to promote racial health equity through public policy. There is evidence that the Affordable Care Act (ACA) increased health insurance coverage, access to health care, and health care utilization, and may have affected some pregnancy-related health outcomes (eg, preterm delivery). It is unclear, however, whether these impacts on pregnancy-related outcomes were equitably distributed across race and ethnicity. Thus, the objective of this study was to fill that gap by summarizing the peer-reviewed evidence regarding the impact of the ACA on racial and ethnic disparities in pregnancy-related health outcomes. The authors conducted a scoping review following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses Extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR), using broad search terms to identify relevant peer-reviewed literature in PubMed, Web of Science, and EconLit. The authors identified and reviewed n = 21 studies and found that the current literature suggests that the ACA and its components were differentially associated with contraception-related and fertility-related outcomes by race/ethnicity. Literature regarding pregnancy health, birth outcomes, and postpartum health, however, was sparse and mixed, making it difficult to draw conclusions regarding the impact on racial/ethnic disparities in these outcomes. To inform future health policy that reduces racial disparities, additional work is needed to clarify the impacts of contemporary health policy, like the ACA, on racial disparities in pregnancy health, birth outcomes, and postpartum health.

Continuous Medicaid Eligibility During the COVID-19 Pandemic and Postpartum Coverage, Health Care, and Outcomes.

Importance: Pursuant to the Families First Coronavirus Response Act (FFCRA), continuous Medicaid eligibility during the COVID-19 public health emergency (PHE) created a de facto national extension of pregnancy Medicaid eligibility beyond 60 days postpartum. Objective: To evaluate the association of continuous Medicaid eligibility with postpartum health insurance, health care use, breastfeeding, and depressive symptoms. Design, Setting, and Participants: This cohort study using a generalized difference-in-differences design included 21 states with continuous prepolicy (2017-2019) and postpolicy (2020-2021) participation in the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS). Exposures: State-level change in Medicaid income eligibility after 60 days postpartum associated with the FFCRA measured as a percent of the federal poverty level (FPL; ie, the difference in 2020 income eligibility thresholds for pregnant people and low-income adults/parents). Main Outcomes and Measures: Health insurance, postpartum visit attendance, contraceptive use (any effective method; long-acting reversible contraceptives), any breastfeeding and depressive symptoms at the time of the PRAMS survey (mean [SD], 4 [1.3] months postpartum). Results: The sample included 47 716 PRAMS respondents (64.4% aged <30 years; 18.9% Hispanic, 26.2% non-Hispanic Black, 36.3% non-Hispanic White, and 18.6% other race or ethnicity) with a Medicaid-paid birth. Based on adjusted estimates, a 100% FPL increase in postpartum Medicaid eligibility was associated with a 5.1 percentage point (pp) increase in reported postpartum Medicaid enrollment, no change in commercial coverage, and a 6.6 pp decline in uninsurance. This represents a 40% reduction in postpartum uninsurance after a Medicaid-paid birth compared with the prepolicy baseline of 16.7%. In subgroup analyses by race and ethnicity, uninsurance reductions were observed only among White and Black non-Hispanic individuals; Hispanic individuals had no change. No policy-associated changes were observed in other outcomes. Conclusions and Relevance: In this cohort study, continuous Medicaid eligibility during the COVID-19 PHE was associated with significantly reduced postpartum uninsurance for people with Medicaid-paid births, but was not associated with postpartum visit attendance, contraception use, breastfeeding, or depressive symptoms at approximately 4 months postpartum. These findings, though limited to the context of the COVID-19 PHE, may offer preliminary insight regarding the potential impact of post-pandemic postpartum Medicaid eligibility extensions. Collection of longer-term and more comprehensive follow-up data on postpartum health care and health will be critical to evaluating the effect of ongoing postpartum policy interventions.

The impact of COVID-19 vaccination prior to SARS-CoV-2 infection on prevalence of long COVID among a population-based probability sample of Michiganders, 2020-2022.

PURPOSE: To estimate the association between COVID-19 vaccination status at the time of COVID-19 onset and long COVID prevalence. METHODS: We used data from the Michigan COVID-19 Recovery Surveillance Study, a population-based probability sample of adults with COVID-19 (n = 4695). We considered 30-day and 90-day long COVID (illness duration ≥30 or ≥90 days, respectively), using Poisson regression to estimate prevalence ratios (PRs) comparing vaccinated (completed an initial series ≥14 days before COVID-19 onset) to unvaccinated individuals (received 0 doses before COVID-19 onset), accounting for differences in age, sex, race and ethnicity, education, employment, health insurance, and rurality/urbanicity. The full unvaccinated comparison group was further divided into historic and concurrent comparison groups based on timing of COVID-19 onset relative to vaccine availability. We used inverse probability of treatment weights to account for sociodemographic differences between groups. RESULTS: Compared to the full unvaccinated comparison group, the adjusted prevalence of 30-day and 90-day long COVID were lower among vaccinated individuals [PR30-day= 0.57(95%CI:0.49,0.66); PR90-day= 0.42(95%CI:0.34,0.53)]. Estimates were consistent across comparison groups (full, historic, and concurrent). CONCLUSIONS: Long COVID prevalence was 40-60% lower among adults vaccinated (vs. unvaccinated) prior to their COVID-19 onset. COVID-19 vaccination may be an important tool to reduce the burden of long COVID.

Cross-sectional population-based estimates of a rural-urban disparity in prevalence of long COVID among Michigan adults with polymerase chain reaction-confirmed COVID-19, 2020-2022.

PURPOSE: To (1) assess whether residential rurality/urbanicity was associated with the prevalence of 30- or 90-day long COVID, and (2) evaluate whether differences in long COVID risk factors might explain this potential disparity. METHODS: We used data from the Michigan COVID-19 Recovery Surveillance Study, a population-based probability sample of adults with COVID-19 (n = 4,937). We measured residential rurality/urbanicity using dichotomized Rural-Urban Commuting Area codes (metropolitan, nonmetropolitan). We considered outcomes of 30-day long COVID (illness duration ≥30 days) and 90-day long COVID (illness duration ≥90 days). Using Poisson regression, we estimated unadjusted prevalence ratios (PRs) to compare 30- and 90-day long COVID between metropolitan and nonmetropolitan respondents. Then, we adjusted our model to account for differences between groups in long COVID risk factors (age, sex, acute COVID-19 severity, vaccination status, race and ethnicity, socioeconomic status, health care access, SARS-CoV-2 variant, and pre-existing conditions). We estimated associations for the full study period (Jan 1, 2020-May 31, 2022), the pre-vaccine era (before April 5, 2021), and the vaccine era (after April 5, 2021). FINDINGS: Compared to metropolitan adults, the prevalence of 30-day long COVID was 15% higher (PR = 1.15 [95% CI: 1.03, 1.29]), and the prevalence of 90-day long COVID was 27% higher (PR = 1.27 [95% CI: 1.09, 1.49]) among nonmetropolitan adults. Adjusting for long COVID risk factors did not reduce disparity estimates in the pre-vaccine era but halved estimates in the vaccine era. CONCLUSIONS: Our findings provide evidence of a rural-urban disparity in long COVID and suggest that the factors contributing to this disparity changed over time as the sociopolitical context of the pandemic evolved and COVID-19 vaccines were introduced.

Exposure to the early COVID-19 pandemic and early, moderate and overall preterm births in the United States: A conception cohort approach.

BACKGROUND: The United States (US) data suggest fewer-than-expected preterm births in 2020, but no study has examined the impact of exposure to the early COVID-19 pandemic at different points in gestation on preterm birth. OBJECTIVE: Our objective was to determine-among cohorts exposed to the early COVID-19 pandemic-whether observed counts of overall, early and moderately preterm birth fell outside the expected range. METHODS: We used de-identified, cross-sectional, national birth certificate data from 2014 to 2020. We used month and year of birth and gestational age to estimate month of conception for birth. We calculated the count of overall (<37 weeks gestation), early (<33 weeks gestation) and moderately (33 to <37 weeks gestation) preterm birth by month of conception. We employed time series methods to estimate expected counts of preterm birth for exposed conception cohorts and identified cohorts for whom the observed counts of preterm birth fell outside the 95% detection interval of the expected value. RESULTS: Among the 23,731,146 births in our study, the mean prevalence of preterm birth among monthly conception cohorts was 9.7 per 100 live births. Gestations conceived in July, August or December of 2019-that is exposed to the early COVID-19 pandemic in the first or third trimester-yielded approximately 3245 fewer moderately preterm and 3627 fewer overall preterm births than the expected values for moderate and overall preterm. Gestations conceived in August and October of 2019-that is exposed to the early COVID-19 pandemic in the late second to third trimester-produced approximately 498 fewer early preterm births than the expected count for early preterm. CONCLUSIONS: Exposure to the early COVID-19 pandemic may have promoted longer gestation among close-to-term pregnancies, reduced risk of later preterm delivery among gestations exposed in the first trimester or induced selective loss of gestations.

Racial inequity in preterm delivery among college-educated women: The role of racism.

BACKGROUND: Non-Hispanic Black (NHB) women face a 50% increased risk of delivering preterm compared to non-Hispanic White (NHW) women in the United States. Sociodemographic and pregnancy risk factors do not fully explain this inequity. This inequity exists even among women with a college education, although recent empirical analysis on racial inequities in preterm delivery (PTD) among college-educated women is lacking. Furthermore, the contribution of preconception risk factors to the racial inequity in PTD has not been examined. OBJECTIVES: To determine whether: (i) there is a NHB-NHW inequity in PTD among college-educated women; (ii) the prevalence of known, measured sociodemographic, pregnancy, and preconception PTD risk factors differs between NHB and NHW college-educated women; (iii) equalising the distribution of risk factors between college-educated NHB and NHW women reduces or eliminates the racial inequity in PTD. METHODS: We analysed US natality data from 2015 to 2016 among women with a college degree or higher (n = 2 326 512). We calculated frequencies of sociodemographic, pregnancy, and preconception risk factors among all women and separately by race/ethnicity. We used modified Poisson regression models to estimate the association between race/ethnicity and PTD controlling for known, measured sociodemographic, pregnancy, and preconception factors. RESULTS: The largest percentage point differences in risk factors between NHW and NHB women were observed for marital status, trimester of care initiation, body mass index, and birth interval. Among college-educated women, the unadjusted risk of PTD for NHB women was 1.77 (95% CI 1.74, 1.79) times the risk for NHW women. After controlling for sociodemographic, pregnancy, and preconception factors, this attenuated to RR 1.47 (95% CI 1.45, 1.49). CONCLUSIONS: A racial inequity in PTD persists among college-educated women. Racism contributes to the NHB-NHW inequity in PTD, in part, through its influence on known sociodemographic, pregnancy, and preconception risk factors for PTD and, in part, through unmeasured pathways.

Impacts of Medicaid Expansion Before Conception on Prepregnancy Health, Pregnancy Health, and Outcomes.

Preconception health care is heralded as an essential method of improving pregnancy health and outcomes. However, access to health care for low-income US women of reproductive age has been limited because of a lack of health insurance. Expansions of Medicaid program eligibility under the Affordable Care Act (as well as prior expansions in some states) have changed this circumstance and expanded health insurance coverage for low-income women. These Medicaid expansions provide an opportunity to assess whether obtaining health insurance coverage improves prepregnancy and pregnancy health and reduces prevalence of adverse pregnancy outcomes. We tested this hypothesis using vital statistics data from 2011-2017 on singleton births to female US residents aged 15-44 years. We examined associations between preconception exposure to Medicaid expansion and measures of prepregnancy health, pregnancy health, and pregnancy outcomes using a difference-in-differences empirical approach. Increased Medicaid eligibility was not associated with improvements in prepregnancy or pregnancy health measures and did not reduce the prevalence of adverse birth outcomes (e.g., prevalence of preterm birth increased by 0.1 percentage point (95% confidence interval: -0.2, 0.3)). Increasing Medicaid eligibility alone may be insufficient to improve prepregnancy or pregnancy health and birth outcomes. Preconception programming in combination with attention to other structural determinants of pregnancy health is needed.

The Affordable Care Act contraception mandate & unintended pregnancy in women of reproductive age: An analysis of the National Survey of Family Growth, 2008-2010 v. 2013-2015.

OBJECTIVE(S): The Affordable Care Act contraception mandate could reduce unintended pregnancies by increasing access and affordability of contraceptive resources, e.g., long-acting reversible contraceptives (LARCs). We assessed: (1) whether unintended pregnancies decreased post-mandate, and (2) whether this decrease differed by demographic characteristics. STUDY DESIGN: We used data from the National Survey of Family Growth (unweighted n = 7409) in logistic regression analyses to compare odds of unintended pregnancy pre-mandate (2008-2010) vs post-mandate (2013-2015), overall and stratified by demographic characteristics. RESULTS: Paralleling an increase in long-acting reversible contraceptive use (p < 0.01), post-mandate, the odds of experiencing unintended pregnancy in the prior year decreased 15% overall (OR: 0.85, 95% CI: 0.62, 1.17), with the greatest reduction observed among women with government-sponsored insurance (OR: 0.63, 95% CI: 0.41, 0.97). CONCLUSIONS: Unintended pregnancy decreased following the contraception mandate, although possibly due to chance. The short study period relative to the mandate could under-estimate the mandate's effect.